" La Magdalena de Roma "

attributed to Juan Bautista Diamante ¹

Introduction to an edited version based on the 1713 Zaragoza ² MS. in the Biblioteca Municipal, Madrid (Sig. 1-128-11) 

Edition and commentary by R.V. Pringle, MA MLitt (Edin.)

PART TWO

(a) Synopsis   (b) Thematic Sources

[Go to:   Part One of this Introduction]

A Synopsis of "La Magdalena de Roma"

ACT I

(The action begins at Rome, in 1218). Catalina and her friends, Rosaura and Porcia, return to Catalina's house near the Convent of St. Xystus after hearing St. Dominic of Guzman preach the devotion of the Rosary at the Sacred Palace. Catalina and Porcia are quite unaffected by what they have heard, and more excited by the prowess of Catalina's galán, Lupercio, whom they saw dominate a brawling mob. Catalina extols his valour, but Porcia says she prefers elegance and discretion above all in a man, which is why she loves Filipo. Rosaura, however, is indifferent to their discussion, for she has taken Dominic's message to heart. Catalina scoffs at this new-found piety. Leonardo, once Rosaura's lover and now spurned, enters followed by Filipo and, finally, by Lupercio and Golondrino, his servant. Lupercio shows himself as spirited as we have been led to expect, and Filipo, as elegant. Leonardo's treatment at the hands of Rosaura has, we learn, revived his old love for Catalina (vv. 1-254).

The scene changes to the unfinished Convent of St. Xystus, on which men are working. Domingo communes with God about the project. He intercedes with the Virgin for Catalina, who is corrupting the youth of the city, and is given an assurance that Christ Himself will undertake her conversion. Meanwhile, Domingo is to give her a rosary (vv. 255-342). Soleta, a lay brother, tells us how everyone, from the highest to the lowest, is asking for one of Domingo's rosaries. Our attention is attracted to the workmen completing the convent, and in particular to one who grumbles about his wage and treats Domingo with some disrespect. Shortly after his departure, the sound of a wall collapsing is heard, and Domingo is informed that one of the workmen has been killed. In great sorrow, he asks for the body to be brought. It is the same workman who treated him disrespectfully. Before the eyes of Catalina and her friends, attracted to the spot by the noise, he prays to Heaven, and the dead man returns to life, announcing that he was a devotee of the Rosary, and to this the miracle is attributed. Among those present, only Catalina has shown neither pity for the workman nor awe at this supernatural happening. She and her friends return to their diversions, but before she leaves, Domingo makes a pretext to visit her (vv. 343-609).

Catalina's birthday is near, and she and her friends decide to perform a play in celebration. The choice of the play is left till later. When Catalina is alone, Domingo enters, symbolically knocking loudly first at her door for permission to come in. Catalina is greatly agitated by his presence, and asks him for a rosary in the hope that this will induce him to leave. Domingo will not go, however, and explains the Rosary to her in detail. Catalina accepts a rosary, and with this her agitation increases. She flees from the saint, and Domingo, downcast, thinks he has failed. The Christ-Child appears to console him as Act I ends (vv. 610-857).

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ACT II

Golondrino and Fenisa, Catalina's maid, rehearse the play chosen for Catalina's birthday. Its theme is the conversion of the Magdalene, and Catalina is to play the name part. They are joined by the rest. Lupercio shows some anxiety at the prospect of Catalina playing such a role, in case it should turn her against him. Catalina reassures him, but Lupercio is worried by the fact that she has begun to pray the Rosary regularly, encouraged by Rosaura. Soleta arrives to ask for alms, but Catalina makes an excuse to avoid giving him anything. Rosaura explains to Leonardo why she cannot return his love. Catalina scoffs (vv. 858-1123). The rehearsal is about to begin, but the harpist is missing. Soleta obliges, on condition that Domingo does not hear about it. They begin the passage in which the Magdalene prostrates herself at the feet of Christ at the table of Simon the Pharisee. Catalina is so carried away that Lupercio takes fright, and begs her to stop, reminding her of the case of St. Genesius, converted while taking part in a mock Christian baptism for the amusement of the Emperor Diocletian. Catalina decides that he is right, and tears up the play. They decide to have a masked ball instead. Catalina gives Lupercio a favour by which to recognize him. The experience has not been without effect, however, for Catalina new tells Fenisa to give Soleta the alms he requests (vv. 1124-1292).

Christ appears to Domingo as a Roman gallant, much to the saint's astonishment. Domingo is reminded of his petition concerning Catalina, and the Virgin's promise. He is shown a vision of the future Catalina, occupied in ascetic contemplation. Christ departs, telling Domingo to prepare to help Catalina in her new life. Domingo meditates on what he has seen. Soleta returns to inform Domingo of Golondrino's desire to become a lay brother. The saint makes no objection (vv. 1293-1442).

Leonardo, jealous of Catalina's love for Lupercio, murders him. Lupercio, dying, calls on Domingo to intercede for his soul. Domingo hears his cry and goes off to pray for him. The Devil now appears having taken on Lupercio's shape to further his evil designs. He cannot fathom the reason for Christ's descent from Heaven in the form which He has taken, but determines to go on encouraging Catalina and her friends in their sinful pursuits. 'Lupercio' joins the dancers at Catalina's ball, much, of course, to Leonardo's astonishment. Christ appears as the young gallant - symbolically, in a white mask - and takes Catalina (again, with symbolic significance) from the hands of 'Lupercio', who retires in confusion. Catalina, greatly affected by the youth's beauty, inquires of his name, but is told she will know only if she invites him to sup with her that evening. Catalina eagerly assents (vv. 1443-1654).

Catalina, returning home in great haste and excitement, orders Fenisa to prepare for a very special guest. She is madly in love, though this love is different from any she has experienced. The youth arrives and they begin to eat. All that the youth touches is stained with blood, and Catalina thinks he is wounded. He tells her he will reveal his identity when they are alone. Fenisa is dismissed (vv. 1655-1760). The youth turns into the Christ-Child, with a crown of thorns and cross. Catalina is rebuked for the sins that have caused her Saviour his suffering, and repents. Christ commends her to the care of Domingo, and departs. Catalina announces her determination to renounce the world and follow the way of Christ in suffering and penitence in atonement of her sins (vv. 1761-1820).

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There is a gap of several years.

ACT III

The Devil in the form of Lupercio sorrowfully recounts Catalina's zealous devotion to good works and the afflictions she has heaped on herself to atone for her past sins. He tries to tempt her to return to her old ways, using all the arts of persuasion at his disposal, but Catalina will not yield. She gives him a skull to symbolize what she now is. 'Lupercio' resorts to the stratagem of telling her that Rosaura has now returned to her former life, calling on the help of a demon who assumes Rosaura's shape. Catalina, however, remains steadfast, and determines to increase her penances and sufferings and to shut herself off from society. The Virgin appears to console her, showing her a vision of the place which is soon to be hers in Heaven and promising to be with her at the hour of her death. She charges Catalina to seek her Son in the Tomb. Catalina hastens to obey, and determines to meditate on the sorrow of the Magdalene at the empty Sepulchre (vv. 1821-2294).

In a humorous interlude, the Devil vents his spleen on Soleta and Golondrino (now a lay brother). His next target is Rosaura, in whom he attempts to revive the old love for Leonardo, telling her that Catalina's new-found piety is mere pretence so that she and Leonardo may enjoy their mutual love unhindered by Rosaura and himself ('Lupercio'). To convince her he shows Rosaura 'Catalina' with her friends, returned to her former way of life, in amorous conversation with Leonardo. Rosaura swears revenge but Domingo, guided hither by Heaven, arrives in time to prevent Rosaura's ruination, casting down to the abyss the demon who has taken Catalina's shape. Catalina herself now appears in penitent's dress and begs her friends to repent and reform, and follow the guidance of Domingo. This they promise to do (vv. 2295-2720).

Catalina, aware of her approaching death, expresses the prayer that Lupercio (whom she believes still to be alive) be brought like her friends to repentance. Lupercio's ghost appears and explains what has happened. Asking Catalina to take him by the hand, she feels the dreadful fire of Purgatory in which he burns. Lupercio begs her to release him from this torment by applying to him her meditation on the sorrow of the Magdalene. Catalina takes up once more her meditation, and the Resurrected Christ appears to promise Lupercio's salvation (vv. 2721-2802). Death is approaching fast, and Catalina asks the Virgin to keep her promise. Domingo and the others arrive, accompanied by the false 'Lupercio' who is to be humiliated on Heaven's orders. Domingo informs Catalina that Leonardo and Rosaura and Filipo and Porcia have agreed to be joined in holy matrimony and to mend their ways. The Devil disappears into the abyss. Catalina expires peacefully and her soul, accompanied by the Virgin, ascends to Heaven (vv. 2803-2881).

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Thematic Sources

The legend of Catherine of Rome
The resurrection in the church of St. Xystus
The 'play within the play'
The intervention of the Devil in the form of Lupercio
Conclusions and Appendix - Castillo's Historia General ...

The legend of Catherine of Rome

The central action of La Magdalena de Roma derives from one of a collection of stories illustrating the miraculous virtue of the Rosary which spread throughout Europe from the end of the 15th century. That the stories were extremely popular is witnessed by the number of books in which they appeared, e.g. (1)

And in Spain:

Without exception, authorship of the stories is attributed in these treatises to the Dominican, Alanus de Rupe.

Alanus de Rupe, also known as Alain de la Roche, was born in Brittany about 1428 (2). Believing himself tasked by the Virgin Mary to spread the cult of the Rosary and to found Rosary confraternities, he began to do this about the year 1470 (3) with the aid of miraculous stories. One of these was almost certainly that of Catherine of Rome.

Alain claimed that St. Dominic himself had been specially commissioned by the Virgin to restore the Rosary cult, and for this he quoted the testimony of two 'companions' of the saint, Joannes de Monte and Thomas de Templo, whose lost writings he claimed to have discovered. No trace of any such writings has been found. In fact, it is now generally agreed among serious historians (a) that Alain's two authorities are fictitious, and (b) that the miraculous stories, which he also attributed to these 'companions' of St. Dominic, are the work of his own fevered imagination (4).

None of Alain's writings appears to have been printed in his lifetime, nor has anything of his survived, it seems, in manuscript. We do, however, have the Alanus Redivivus of Father Coppenstein, published in 1619 (5), which purports to be a faithful reproduction of Alain's writings on the Rosary. It has been argued (6) that Alain is misrepresented in this work, and that Coppenstein either invented the more extravagant stories or took them from untrustworthy sources. This idea is convincingly refuted by H.A. Thurston (7), who points out that scores of similar treatises from every part of Europe beginning as far back as 1484 repeat these same stories and miracles, attributing them explicitly to the authorship of Alain. One of the earliest of these is the Sponsus Novellus (8), printed in 1498 at the expense of the Lady Ingeborgh at the Carthusian monastery of Mariefried (Gripsholm), near Stockholm. Of this collection of miscellaneous papers, revelations, sermons, anecdotes, etc., Thurston says :

Thurston, then, is convinced that the Alanus Redivivus contains nothing which is not really to be traced to Alain and that, on the contrary, it 'constantly tones down, modifies, and even eliminates the more jarring extravagances of which Alain was guilty' (10).

The version contained in the Alanus Redivivus of the story of Catherine of Rome is by far the longest: other versions make cuts at one point or another, while retaining the essentials of the story. It is however, the only version which fully explains the significance of Catherine's conversion in relation to the Rosary cult and its confraternities (some versions, for instance, omit Catherine's method of praying the Rosary, which is necessary for a full understanding of Christ's triple revelation of Himself - see below), a fact which suggests that it is the nearest we shall get to what Alain actually wrote. After a preface describing St. Dominic's preaching at Rome, the Redivivus (11) version begins:

Catharina's method of praying the Rosary was as follows: the first fifty Aves, she meditated on Christ's infancy, when He carried in Him already his future Passion; the second fifty on His sufferings as Man; and the third on His sufferings as God.

Catherine's Guest then shows Himself in the form of the Crucified Christ, as in her second meditation, and then begins to shine with a divine effulgence, in accord with her third meditation.

Catherine repents, goes to Dominic to confess, is prescribed a suitable penance, and received into the Confraternity of the Rosary, 'quam nondum habuerat in facto, sed tantum in intentione, & proposito' [!]. The Virgin appears with St. Catherine the Martyr to explain to Catherine how to do penance with the help of the Rosary. These penances result in Dominic having the vision which follows.

A long allegorical passage follows, based on the number fifty-five - representing, of course, five decades of Aves with five Paternosters. Dominic can hardly believe his eyes, but the Virgin appears to remind him that she is the friend of sinners, and can make such a thing possible. He is encouraged to preach the Rosary with renewed vigour.

The story of Catherine of Rome, originally conceived by Alanus de Rupe, re-appeared in abbreviated versions all over Europe, including Spain. Nicolás Antonio (12) gives a list of over fifty Spanish writers who had treated of the Rosary, but few of their works apparently survive today. One in particular mentioned by Antonio, an Historia de los milagros del Rosario, by Juan Rebello, sounds like the kind which might have included Alain's stories, but I have been unable to trace the work. Another is the Rosario de Nuestra Señora of Juan López (successively Bishop of Cotrone and Monopoli), published, according to Antonio,in Zaragoza, 1584. Three works I have been able to consult for the story of Catherine are

Of these the earliest is Taix's, since he died in 1560, and the others did not appear until 1584 and 1613 respectively. I have seen only one edition of this work, that published in Gerona, 1685, but it was known to Fernández, writing in 1613. Nicolás Antonio (16) says that Taix wrote his work in Latin, so that the Gerona edition is perhaps simply a translation.

The accounts of the legend which appear in Castillo and Fernández are almost word for word identical. Fernández quotes Castillo as his source for the story and probably copied from him, though it is possible they use the same source. He quotes also Flaminius (see below), 'Fr. Juan de Monte' (no work cited - he is, of course, one of Alain's fictitious 'authorities'), 'Fr. Alano de Rupe, fol. 25' (this cannot be Coppenstein's Redivivus, which did not appear until 1619; it would be interesting to know which work of Alanus he consulted), 'Fr. Alberto Castellano' (this is Alberto da Castello, Rosario de la gl'iosa v'gine Maria), Taix (see above) 'Mexia, milagro 22' (i.e. Francisco Mexía, also cited by Nicolás Antonio), (17) and 'Fr. Nicolas Strata, cap. 38' (no work cited). I have been unable to trace any work by either Mexía or Strata.

Hernando del Castillo cites only Flaminius, J.A., Beati Dominici Vita (Bologna, 1529) (18) as his source for the legend of Catherine. It is evident, however, that he has consulted another, since he gives the information that she was buried in the Church of the Lateran, a fact not included in Flaminius.

As might, perhaps, be expected, it is in the Castilian version of the legend - that shared by Castillo and Fernández - that we find the most striking parallels with La Magdalena de Roma. Castillo (19) introduces several comments, changes and explanations (20) of his own into the narrative, and some of these find an echo in La Magdalena.

l. Castillo states explicitly (unlike other versions) that Catherine thinks her guest has cut himself when she sees the blood-stains:

2. Castillo substitutes Christ's reference to the bed-chamber in Flaminius and the other versions (21) with the innocuous 'quando estemos más a solas':

3. Castillo adds a reference to St. Dominic’s appearing to be a kind of 'angel':

4. Castillo expands on Flaminius' 'rei exitum illa maxima uidere cupiens':

To these we add the fact that Castillo and La Magdalena alone agree that Catherine was visited at the hour of her death not by Christ, the Virgin and St. Catherine, but by the Virgin alone.

There are however certain elements in La Magdalena which cannot be traced to Castillo and which appear to follow other versions more closely:

There are also several innovations in La Magdalena that cannot be traced to any source:

Conclusion: The treatment of the legend of Catherine in La Magdalena de Roma shows a number of similarities with that of Hernando de Castillo in his Primera parte de la historia general ... . Certain additional elements in La Magdalena, however, suggest perhaps another, or other sources; but with so many texts no longer extant it is difficult to point to any one in particular.

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The resurrection of the workman in the church of St. Xystus

Here again the most striking parallels are with Castillo's Primera parte, etc.

The tradition from which the episode in La Magdalena (vv. 501-548) derives is, unlike the legend of Catherine, a primitive one, dating back to the testimony of Constantine of Orvieto (24) and Humbert de Romans.(25) I quote from the latter:

Quétif and Echard (26) believe this miracle 'factum fuerit initio anni MCCXVIII, cum ad perficiendam S. Sixti domum sodales laborarent.'

What is not primitive in the episode dramatized in La Magdalena is, of course, the connecting of the miracle to the virtue of the Rosary, for not one contemporary or near-contemporary witness ever mentions the Rosary in relation to St. Dominic in any context.(27)

Constantina and Humbertus speak of an architect, rather than a workman, buried under a vault, rather than by the collapse of a standing wall. In this they are followed exactly by, for instance, Alfonso de Villegas in his Flos sanctorum... (28) Castillo, however, uses exactly the terms we find in La Magdalena, viz. 'oficial' (cf. the stage direction before v. 405) and 'paredón' (cf. v. 457). And the sentiment which he gives to St. Dominic, 'sentía mucho que se començasse [el edificio] con sangre' is similar to that expressed by the saint in La Magdalena: ¡Mucho me cuesta la obra, / pues que me cuesta una vida! (vv. 467-8).

I have found no other source which so closely echoes the incident as it appears in La Magdalena as Castillo's Primera parte.

The 'play within the play'

There is, of course, no direct source for the rehearsal scene (vv. 1130-1236) in La Magdalena in relation to the legend of Catherine. That the author has in mind the analogy of the conversion of St. Genesius, the actor-martyr, is evident however from his specific reference (v. 1204) to the latter. This conversion had, of course, been treated previously in the Spanish drama, in Lope's Lo fingido verdadero, and more recently (in relation to La Magdalena) by Cáncer, Rosete and Martínez de Meneses in their refundición of Lope's work, El mejor representante, San Ginés (Madrid 1668). The analogy is however only a partial one, for La Magdalena gives an interesting twist to the traditional life/literature motif when Catalina tears up the play which threatens to convert her (v. 1221).

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The intervention of the Devil in the form of Lupercio.

A possible source for this motif (vv. 1443 seq.) is Calderón's El José de las mujeres, where the Devil uses the body of Aurelio, killed by his rival for the love of Eugenia, to intervene directly in the action.

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Conclusions

La Magdalena de Roma is, as far as I am aware, the first and only example of the legend of Catherine of Rome given dramatic form. Indeed, unless we regard the work of Alanus de Rupe and his imitators as more literary than didactic, La Magdalena is the only truly literary (i.e. poetic) treatment of the legend in existence. In view of the immense popularity of Alain's anecdotes from the time of their conception right on into the seventeenth century this is perhaps surprising. It may be however that the near-heterodoxy (29) of the legend's content made it seem for a long time too risqué for the public stage (note the nervousness of the censors in relation to the appearance of the Virgin Mary and her Son when approving the play for performance even as late as 1758). Whatever the reason, there can be little doubt that the story acquires in the theatre an immediacy which more effectively exploits its human qualities than any of the purely narrative versions. And this in spite of the manifest deficiencies of the work as it stands.

La Magdalena introduces a greater variety of incident into the story, but nevertheless a degree of unity is maintained. This is mainly through involving St. Dominic closely in the process of Catalina's conversion: it is he who prays for her redemption (vv. 285-308), expounds the Rosary to her (vv. 746-801) and encourages her in her new life. The resurrection of the workman is also united to the central theme (a) because Domingo prays for the miracle especially in order to inspire Catalina with the fear of God, and (b) because the miracle is connected to the Rosary cult (vv. 517 and 531). The episode of the 'play within the play' (vv. 1130-1236) (apart of course from prefiguring the central motif of the play, the converted Magdalena) has the dramatic function, too, of showing in Catalina a depth of emotion which, when released by her conversion, will turn her into a remarkable figure of saintly devotion.

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Castillo's Historia general...

If any one source is to be sought for the play as a whole, no better can be found than the Primera parte, etc., of Hernando del Castillo (30), whose chapters covering the second visit of St. Dominic to Rome find many striking echoes in La Magdalena (31).

Chapter 30 (fol. 58v.): ... en la obra de aquella casa de san Sixto, andando vn official abriendo los cimientos, y estando descuydado, cayó sobre el vn paredón que le mato luego. Los frayles que allí estauan acudieron a sacarle, mas no pudo ser esto con tanta prisa que no pasasse muy gran rato en desenterralle por ser muy mucha la tierra que auía caýdo encima del pobre hombre. Hizo esto gran lástima a todos los religiosos, y más a Sancto Domingo que era el autor del edificio: y sentía mucho que se començasse con sangre, pareciéndole muy peligroso desconsuelo para nueuas plantas. Pero Dios ... puso en coraçon a su sieruo que le suplicase por la vida de aquel muerto con instancia. Hízolo, gimió, lloró, suplicólo, y el señor de la vida se lo dió viuo por sus oraciones, y para buen principio del monasterio que allí hazía.

Chapter 31 (fol. 58v.); Por este tiempo que era el año ... de mil y dozientos y diez y ocho, el Pontífice entendió la mucha necesidad que auía de dar orden en la clausura de las monjas Romanas... [y] pareció con acuerdo de los Cardenales que era bien recogerlas a todas en vn monasterio, y darles forma de viuir conueniente a su estado. Para esto venía a propósito la persona de Sancto Domingo ... Y el Papa acordó que la casa de san Sixto que se labraua para los frayles, se acabasse para las monjas; y ellos se passassen a sancta Sabina, que era yglesia principal...

Chapter 34 (fol, 66v.): Desta manera viuía Sancto Domingo en Roma, imaginando siempre y despertando nueuas cosas en que seruir a su señor, ... (y) le pareció que la gente que concurría al sacro palacio, assí por sus propios negocios, como por accompañar a quien los tenía, era mucha, y muchas horas del día muy ociosa. La ociosidad, cuchillo de la virtud, y madre de todos los vicios, no podía en ciudad tan libre dexar de hazer su officio... Ofrecióssele a Sancto Domingo remediar este daño con persuadir al Papa que en Palacio se leyesse cada día alguna lectión de la diuina scriptura, a las horas que más gente concurría a sus negocios ... Con el gusto de ganar algunas [almas], començó Sancto Domingo a leer el Euangelio de san Matheo, y las Epistolas de san Pablo... [y] también a enseñar la deuoción que se deuía de tener en nuestra señora, y en los misterios, vida y muerte de su hijo, que se representan en el rosario o Psalterio de las ciento y cinquenta aue Marías... Con el qual exercicio ganó la deuocion del pueblo en la sagrada Virgen, y ... se conuirtió gran golpe de gente al seruicio de su hijo...

Chapter 35 (fol. 69): ... En pocos días hizo tanto que los Cardenales, Obispos, y Prelados, y casi toda la otra gente tomaron esta devoción por principal, y sintieron grandíssimo prouecho en las almas y notable mudança en las costumbres. Estaua entonces en Roma vna muger de las cortesanas, llamada Catalina, muy hermosa, y muy dotada de las gracias y abilidades y desemboltura que los hombres aman en las casas agenas, y aborrecen en las suyas. Hazía (32) esta muger tanta gente, que era la destruyción de aquella ciudad. Mas con ser tal y tan distraýda, acudía a los sermones de sancto Domingo, y mereció alcançar de su propia mano vn rosario, de los que algunas vezes repartía. Este començó a tener ella por reliquia preciosa, y rezaua por él cada día: mas no porque dexasse el desconcierto de su vida, ni oviesse en ella más enmienda que ésta, con destruyción de muchas almas. Tuuo della misericordia el que murió por su respecto, y hízosse encontradizo con ella en vna calle en figura de hombre milagrosamente hermoso y lindo, o que fuesse Angel que representaua la persona de su señor. Y después de algunas pláticas quedaron de acuerdo que él se fuesse a cenar con ella a su casa, y assí lo hizo. / (fol. 69v.) Yua la muger cobrando vna afición y respecto al que pensaua ser hombre, no de hombre, sino de lo que verdaderamente era: pero no que imaginasse de que procedía en su persona tan nueuo encogimiento y tanta reuerencia, que no osaua mirarle al rostro sin voluer los ojos,corridos al suelo, y con esto un contento y alegría, que a su coraçon no auía llegado cosa semejante. Sentados a la mesa commençó a dar de sí algunas muestras el combidado. Porque todo lo que tocaua con las manos parecía que lo dexaua teñido como con sangre. Y la muger pensando que se oviesse cortado con el cuchillo, quería uerlo y remediarlo. Pero él la dixo: No me he herido, no: sino que sería mal caso que el Christiano comiesse bocado que no fuesse mojado en la sangre de su Dios. Como ella le oyó razones tan peregrinas para su casa, alçó los ojos por uerle. Y la hermosura del rostro creció tanto que los baxó con uergüença como corrida. Y por no mostrar que lo quedaua, le dixo. No sé señor qué me diga, que más me parecéys que lo que yo puedo deziros, ni juzgar: Y no osaré ya hablaros si no me hazéys tan gran regalo que me descrubráys quién soys. Esso sabrás bien presto (dixo él) quando estemos más a solas. Alçáronse las mesas en un punto. (Aunque la codicia de saber, y con los afectos que en sí sentía, cada punto de dilación se le hazía a ella un año). Y en estando solos el huésped se mudó en figura del más hermoso niño que naturaleza, ni arte, ni pensamiento pudieron formar. Tenía en la cabeça corona de espinas, y en los ombros una cruz: las manos y pies y costado con llagas rezientes de su pasión: y el cuerpo todo rociado con viua sangre...

[Catalina's Guest goes on to transform Himself into the Crucified Christ-Man, and then to shine with a divine splendour, as in the Redivivus. Catalina is converted, confesses before St. Dominic, and devotes herself to penitence, prayer and meditation on the Rosary].

,..En la qual oración, meditación y consideración,la nueua sancta Catalina se ocupó tan de veras, que alcançó de Dios muchas y muy grandes reuelaciones y secretos, en tanto extremo, que al bienauenturado Sancto Domingo le hazía espanto y admiración de ver en vn alma (poco ha tan suzia) tanta limpieza y sanctidad. La qual ella fue continuando con la gracia de Dios, y aumentándola toda su uida. Y dando su hazienda a pobres, se quisó emparedar para hazer penitencia de sus culpas, como lo hizo. Fue después de muy largos días visitada de nuestra senora a la hora de su muerte, y su cuerpo sepultado en la yglesia de sant Iuan de Letrán.

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[Go to:   Part One of this Introduction]

Notes

1. The works which follow are cited by H.A. Thurston, The Month (March 1901), XCVII, 290 seq.    <back>
2. H.A. Thurston, The Month (Dec. 1900), XCVI, 620, citing Leander Albertus, De Viris Illustribus Ord. Praedicat. (Bononiae, 1517), fol. 150 r.    <back>
3. Thurston (loc. cit., p. 621) explains the success of the Rosary Confraternity as owing to a) its appeal to both rich and poor alike, b) the belief that it was endowed 'with the most extraordinary Indulgences', and c) the fact that deceased friends and relatives could be enrolled in it and 'made partakers of all its spiritual treasures.'    <back>
4. Quétif and Echard. Scriptores Ord. Praed. (Paris, 1719), I, 472b: 'hos duos scriptores homines plane fictitios sincerus veri amator habebit.'    <back>
5. I have been unable to meet with a copy of the Cologne edition of 1619 cited by Thurston (op. cit., XCVII, 288) as the earliest, but have seen editions of 1624 (Cologne), 1665 (Venice) and 1693 (Cadiz), variously titled. The 1624 edition reads: 'B. Alanus de Rupe Redivivus De Psalterio seu Rosario Christi ac Mariae, eiusdemque Fraternitate Rosaria', etc.    <back>
6. A. Danzas, Etudes sur les Temps Primitifs de l'Ordre de Saint Dominique (Paris, 1864), IV, 345, cited by Thurston, op. cit., XCVII, 289.    <back>
7. Thurston, op. cit., XCVII, 290 seq.    <back>
8. 'Magister Alanus de Rupe Sponsus novellus beatissime virginis mariae... de immensa dignitate et utilitate psalterii precelse et intemerate virginis mariae': a collection (made by someone else) of Alain's papers, sermons, revelations, etc.    <back>
9. Thurston, op. cit., XCVII, 29.    <back>
10. ibid.    <back>
11. I quote from the Cologne edition of 1624, fols. 506-13 ("De lupa Catharina Romana prodigium").    <back>
12. Nicolas Antonio, Bibliotheca Hispana nova (Madrid, 1783), II, index: "De Rosario, et corona et Litaniis Deiparae singulariter."    <back>
13. Geroni Taix, Llibre dels miracles de Nra Sra del Roser, y del modo de dir lo Rosari de Aquella (Gerona, 1685), pp. 158-9. Thurston (op. cit., XCVII, 290) cites a Gerona edition of 1658 (a misprint for 1685?), but I have not seen one.    <back>
14. Hernando del Castillo, Primera parte de la Historia General de Sancto Domingo, y de su orden de Predicadores (Madrid, 1584), Lib. I, Cap. 35, fols. 69-70.    <back>
15. Alonso Fernández, Historia de los Insignes Milagros que la Magestad Divina ha obrado por el Rosario santíssimo de la Virgen soberana su Madre, etc. (Madrid, 1613), Lib. I, Cap. 8, pp. 23 v° - 24 v°. A brief mention to the story of Catherine is also given by Ribadeneira in his Flos sanctorum, under the Feast of the Rosary (I quote from the Barcelona edition of 1751, III, 189): 'De una Magdalena pecadora, en la ciudad de Roma, hizo Santo Domingo por medio del Rosario una Magdalena penitente, o una Santa Catalina, que éste era su nombre, y merece este renombre, la que mereció ser regalada de Dios con visitas y revelaciones celestiales... '    <back>
16. Nicolás Antonio, loc. cit.    <back>
17. ibid.    <back>
18. J.A. Flaminius, Vitae patrum inclyti ord. praed. (Bononiae, 1529), Lib. II, fol. 40 ("Vita Beati Dominici").    <back>
19. From now on I use the name Castillo to cover both the author of the Historia general... and Alonso Fernández (op. cit.), whose version of the story of Catherine is virtually identical to that of Castillo.    <back>
20. For instance, Castillo suggests that Catherine's Guest may have been an angel rather than Christ Himself. No such theological scruples seem, however, to have troubled any of the other writers, including the author of La Magdalena.    <back>
21. Flaminius, loc. cit.: 'Ait iuvenis, Qui sim non ignorabis, ubi cubiculum ingressi fuerimus.'    <back>
22. Cf. also vv. 237-8: 'Vítor, el ángel Domingo / de Guzmán!    <back>
23. On this subject see A.A. Parker, "Santos y bandoleros en el teatro español del Siglo de Oro", in ARBOR, XIII (1949), 395-416, and esp. pp. 400 and 401, where the following lines from Zabaleta's Osar morir de la vida are quoted:
    Cierto que aún para ser santo
    el coraje es provechoso;
    que los tibios nunca aciertan
    ni a ser santos ni demonios.
       <back>
24. Legenda Constantini Urbevetani, ed. Scheeben, H.C., in MOPH (Monumenta Ordinis Fratrum Praedicatorum Historica) (Rome, 1935), XVI, 311.    <back>
25. Legenda Humberti de Romanis, ed. Scheeban, H.C., loc. cit., XVI, 401.    <back>
26. Quétif and Echard, op. cit., I, 31.    <back>
27. The whole question has been thoroughly discussed by H.A. Thurston in The Month (Oct. 1900 to April 1901; Sep. 1902; July 1903, etc.) and in an article on the Rosary in the Catholic Encyclopedia.    <back>
28. Alfonso Villegas, Flos sanctorum (1585), 4th August, St. Dominic: '... un Arquitecto que labrava en su Monasterio, que como estuviese dentro de un algibe, o cueva, cayó la bóbeda sobre él... '    <back>
29. Thurston, The Month (Sep. 1902), XCVIII, 293, on the morbidness of so much of Alain's writing, says: 'It is in the devotional and theological... class of revelations, that this feature becomes most conspicuous... One of the stories, that of Catherine of Rome, which appears in nearly all the collections of miracles, so violates our sense of what is reverent and becoming in such matters, that the Editor of The Month would not allow me to repeat it here even under the veil of the original Latin.' (!)    <back>
30. Hernando del Castillo, Primera parte de la Historia General de Sancto Domingo, y de su orden de Predicadores (Madrid, 1584), Lib. I, Cap. 35, fols. 69-70.    <back>
31. In the extract which follows I expand all typographical abbreviations.    <back>
32. 'Atraía esta muger... ', the reading in Alonso Fernández, Historia de los Insignes Milagros, etc., is obviously preferable. (See also note 19).    <back>

[Go to:   Part One of this Introduction]

(1) For a discussion of the play's authorship, including a possible attribution to Pedro Francisco Lanini y Sagredo, click here.  For a checklist of plays by or atttributed to Juan Bautista Diamante, click here.  For more information on Juan Bautista Diamante go to the Wikipedia article.   <back>